Human Security Filter – Composite Indicator

Print
Email

The Human Security Filter (HSF) aims to measure a complex, multidimensional phenomenon, which cannot be measured directly. It is constructed by aggregating a number of individual factors (29 indicators grouped into 3 categories) into one composite measure.

The HSF is a formative model, as in the causality is assumed to go from individual indicators to the composite indicator, which is then seen as a reflection of the developments of the individual indicators. Therefore, the composite (e.g., migrants’ vulnerability) is a construct and does not exist as an independent entity or phenomenon in itself.

Definition of Vulnerability

In the CRiTERIA project we are not looking at vulnerabilities from a legal point of view, but we are interested in developing a composite indicator for vulnerability which can be integrated into the risk analysis currently employed by LEAs (aimed to build upon and further expand the Humanitarian Dimension already comprised in the Impact section of the CIRAM framework).

This tool would be used as a Human Security Filter – effectively bringing human security to the forefront of the risk analysis, enabling LEAs and other actors involved in the first-response stages to be better prepared for the vulnerabilities they will encounter.

Considering the above, we have tried in the context of the CRiTERIA project to employ a comprehensive definition of vulnerability, incorporating all three dimensions outlined above. Therefore, our definition would be the following:

migrants who are unable effectively to enjoy their human rights, and who are at increased risk of violations and abuse as a result of innate characteristics, past, present or future experiences and/or structural characteristics and dynamics.

Selection of Data

To support the dimensions identified above, a number of 29 sub-indicators were selected, which should provide a sound and reliable measure of migrants’ vulnerability. The selection was based both on existing frameworks and on expert judgements collected during the CRiTERIA Conference on Uncovering Vulnerabilities in Migration and Human Trafficking (May 2023).

The composite indicator includes both input indicators (e.g., policies requiring detention on arrival) and output indicators (e.g., attitudes towards authorities). It also includes a combination of subjective (sentiment) indicators (e.g. attitudes towards health practitioners) and objective (non-sentiment) indicators (e.g. policies, gender, race). Although, both types of sub-indicators are important to capture the complexity of the phenomenon, integrating them may prove very difficult. Moreover, many of these sub-indicators must be observed over time.

The table below presents the set of indicators used to build the composite index for each of these dimensions.

List of vulnerabilities in CRiTERIA Human Security Filter
Individual/Embodied factors
  1. Age
  2. Gender and sexual orientation
  3. Racial identity
  4. Ethnic identity
  5. Citizenship status (statelessness)
Situational factors
  1. Mental health
  2. Physical Health
  3. Attitudes towards health practitioners/procedures
  4. Attitudes towards authorities
  5. Attitudes towards NGOs/international organisations
  6. Exposure to torture
  7. Exposure to violence (FGM, rape, kidnapping, beatings, theft)
  8. Availability of food
  9. Availability of water
  10. Availability of sanitation facilities
  11. Availability of shelter
  12. Exposure to imprisonment
  13. Ability to identify oneself
  14. Knowledge of legal rights
  15. Knowledge of location
  16. Availability of material resources (communication devices, money)
  17. Ability to express oneself
  18. Exposure to extreme weather
Structural factors
  1. Experience of pushbacks
  2. Attitudes towards that group in country of origin
  3. Asylum/protection system not functional in transit countries
  4. Policies aimed at separating families
  5. Policies requiring detention on arrivals
  6. Lack of cultural mediation, lack of translation and lack of interpretation

Explanation of HSF indicators

  1. Age – This refers to both minors and elderly migrants. When it comes to minors, there is ample evidence that they face greater risks of, inter alia, sexual exploitation and abuse [1], military recruitment, child labour (including for foster families) and detention. In many countries, both minors and elderly are routinely denied entry or detained by border or immigration officials. In other cases, they are admitted but are denied access to asylum procedures, or their needs are not handled in an age-sensitive manner (e.g., additional health assistance may be required in the case of elderly migrants or specific mental/physical health assistance required for children, especially those who have experienced distinct types of psychological and physical violence such as child soldiers or child brides [2]).
  2. Gender and sexual orientation – These refer to gender, sexual orientation and gender identity which can be linked to multiple vulnerabilities. In this context vulnerability may refer to procedures on arrival, for example, there is ample evidence that migrants who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender or intersex (LGBTI) persons may not be safe in custody where many of the detainee included persons from countries with widespread cultural or religious prejudice against such persons [3]. It can refer to situations where women migrants are isolated due to language and culture and subject to different standards of treatment. For example, cultural beliefs may prohibit individuals of a certain gender from fully interacting with authorities/translators/health practitioners of another gender [4].
  3. Racial identity – This refers to racial identity, which can trigger racism and xenophobic behaviour in both countries of transit and destination [5]. When it comes to migration en route there is evidence that migrants crossing through North Africa experience multiple instances of racism, going from verbal abuse to as far as having black people being sold as slaves in at least nine markets in Libya in late 2017 [6]. In countries of destination there is evidence of racist, discriminatory or xenophobic treatment of migrants by both authorities and other individuals, which can even escalate into violence [7]. For example, authors argue that even the expression ‘Sub-Saharan migrants’ is inherently linked to a racialised category of undesirables associating black skin colour with a status of illegality [8]. Concretely, racial identity has been linked with camp isolation, military raids targeting particularly Black migrants with the goal of destroying their shelters, or (in the case of the Spanish Moroccan borders) the inability to access the regular border posts [9].
  4. Ethnic identity – This refers to migrants’ whose culture [10] may subject them to discrimination. For example, the provision of healthcare is necessarily influenced by people’s cultural values, and for it to be effective it must respect cultural differences. An example of such discrimination en route can be found in the situation of the ethnic Turkmen refugees from Syria, whom on crossing into Turkey were stigmatized and attributed stereotypes associated with Arabic identity [11].
  5. Citizenship status (statelessness) – This refers to individual which are stateless. It is important to note that this sub-indicator could also fall under Situational Factors, as citizenship status is socially prescribed. This vulnerability is very important in the contexts of routes that go from Syria through Turkey, as many Syrian babies are actually stateless, since Syria cannot give them citizenship status, while Turkey refuses to do so.
  6. Mental health – This covers both migrants with intellectual or psychosocial disabilities as well as migrants who as a result of being victims of exploitation, torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, or armed conflict suffer from various mental disorders. Upon consulting experts it would seem that there are certain mental health conditions, which are more often associated with certain routes, for example in the case of the Mediterranean route, many migrants suffer from PTSD, psychotic disorders, depression with suicidal thoughts; on the France-UK route (via Calais) many of the unaccompanied minors struggle with trauma which affects their sleep; LGBTQI+ migrants coming from Afghanistan, Syria or Turkey suffer depression and show signs of self-harm etc.
  7. Physical Health – This covers any type of health condition that migrants may be suffering from. In addition to the health conditions they may have had before departing their country of origin, the migratory experience itself makes individuals more prone to accidental injuries, hypothermia, burns, unwanted pregnancy and delivery-related complications, as well and various communicable (tuberculosis or hepatitis, as well as respiratory diseases associated with poor nutrition, cold, overcrowding, and inadequate sanitation, water supply and housing, compounded by limited access to health care [12]) and noncommunicable diseases. Language barriers, cultural differences and a perceived lack of access to information and services, as well as stigma or discrimination, can all negatively impact the way their physical health requirements are addressed on arrival. For example, migrants seeking to cross the Mediterranean in small vessels, such as dinghies often find themselves in health and life-threatening situations and many of those who survey the journey suffer from long term physical and mental health conditions as a result of it [13]. Alternatively, many of the migrants coming from countries in Southern Africa show signs of gender violence and struggle with substance abuse. While migration has a negative impact on physical health in most cases, there seem to be health conditions associated with different routes (due to geography and means of transport employed). For example, migrants employing routes crossing East Africa often display signs of malnutrition, traumatic injuries caused by road traffic and in the case of women FGM. Migrants using the Mediterranean route show signs of drowning, dehydration, chemical burns caused by the motor fuel getting mixed with salty water and sun as well as suffer from untreated diseases (e.g., tuberculosis, STDs) or bear the consequences of forceful and/or unsafe terminations of pregnancies. Migrants, crossing through Libya have health conditions associated with labour exploitation, torture (in the case of men) and rape (in the case of women). This is similar to migrants crossing through the Horn of Africa, Egypt and Djibouti who are also often victims of torture, with long term negative health consequences.
  8. Attitudes towards health – Cultural factors that may influence how migrants interact with health practitioners. These may include, but not be restricted to the following: beliefs related to the causes of illnesses (e.g., spiritual rather than physiological); beliefs related to medical practitioners (e.g., gender, age, appearance); beliefs related to treatment (e.g., the need for tests, perceived danger of certain tests such as X-rays or ultrasounds).
  9. Attitudes towards authorities – This refers to beliefs related to authorities. Irregular migrants have, in general, feelings of mistrust towards the police and the legal system in countries of destination due to (a) their status as irregular migrants, and (b) their experiences with corruption/violence among police/judges/lawyers in countries of origin or destination. For example, refugees coming from Arabic speaking countries are lest trustworthy towards translators who speak the Libyan Arabic dialects. Most migrants feel safe only when talking with translators who are coming from their own countries.
  10. Attitudes towards NGOs/international organisations – Beliefs related to national and international humanitarian organisations working in the field of migration. Migrants may distrust such organisations and refuse to provide them with the required data necessary for the organisations to assist them. For example, UN agencies and NGOs use biometrics in the form of fingerprints, iris scans and facial recognition technology for registration of beneficiaries and for aid distribution [14]. The similarities between some of the technologies employed by NGOs and UN agencies and those employed for surveillance and/or repression purposes by different government authorities in countries of origin and/or transit, coupled with a lack of information/transparency and/or understanding (e.g., due to different cultural factors) can lead to the shaping of negative attitudes. Moreover, cases of breach of trust, such as the one of UNHCR, which shared the biometric data of Rohingya refugees with Myanmar authorities, the same authorities accused of committing genocide against the Rohingya are an example of the type of situations which can make migrants extremely distrustful of humanitarian agencies.
  11. Exposure to torture [15] – This refers to any act which may be labelled as torture under international law, from which migrants may have suffered directly or indirectly (as witnesses). Research confirms that torture and other ill-treatment are prevalent at all stages of the migration journey, both in the country of origin (acting as a trigger for migration) and on the migration route, in countries of transit, being carried out both by public and private actors. According to UNHCR however, between 5% and 35% of refugees globally are torture survivors. Torture and other ill-treatment can take many forms, including but not restricted to severe beatings; burning with cigarettes and/or hot metal objects; the application of electric shocks; poor conditions of detention including severe overcrowding, a lack of, or delayed access to, medical care, food and drinking water, and sanitation. Other recognised forms of torture/ill-treatment include the use of incommunicado detention and/or prolonged solitary confinement; and expulsion, return or extradition to another State where there is a risk of torture/ill-treatment. Different forms of sexual violence, such as rape have also been recognised as types of torture. There is also psychological torture, which may include threats and being forced to witness the torture of others [16]. Torture and other ill-treatment can have profound physical, mental, and psychosocial consequences: (a) physical effects can include musculoskeletal pain, hearing loss, dental pain, visual problems, cardiovascular/respiratory problems, and neurological damage; (b) metal health effects may include feelings of meaninglessness and nightmares, anxiety, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), nightmares and dissociation, with grave long-term consequences.
  12. Exposure to violence – This refers to any type of psychological, emotional or physical violence that migrants may have been a victim or and/or witnessed en route. This includes but is not restricted to psychological violence, such as isolation from others, verbal aggression, threats, intimidation, control, harassment or stalking, insults; sexual violence, such as sexual harassment, rape, penetration with objects or weapons, sexual slavery/exploitation, forced pregnancy or abortion, forced marriage, sexual torture, female genital mutilation; physical violence, including beatings, robbery, kidnapping. International organisations, such as MSF have reported that nearly one-in-three migrants/refugees they had treated experienced violent events including physical trauma along their journey, with state authorities including those in European countries being the perpetrators. Exposure to such violence is often linked with mental health problems such as depression, emotional distress, and suicidality, as well as to physical health problems ranging from injuries and pain syndromes to arthritis and coronary heart disease. Sexual violence increases risk for health problems, including sexually transmitted infections, vaginal bleeding, urinary tract infection, miscarriage, preterm delivery, and neonatal death [17].
  13. Availability of food – This refers to lack of food in both country of origin and in countries of transit. Migrants on the move often lack access to livelihoods, material resources, shelter, and familiar social networks, which in in turn leads to food insecurity. The mode of transportation employed as well as the route chosen can directly contribute to food insecurity. For example, the geography of the Mediterranean Sea isolates migrants from basic resources, which coupled with certain types of means of transport (e.g., overcrowding in a boat or choppy water over long period of times). Overall, food availability can be grouped into five main categories: (a) limited availability of foods consistent with habitual dietary patterns, restrictions or cultural needs; (b) travel through unpopulated areas; (c) travel in confined or clandestine transport spaces (e.g., trains, boats, buses); (d) lack of autonomy in food selection and preparation (e.g., when kidnapped or trafficked); and (e) poor reception within temporary host community (e.g., discrimination) [18]. Food security impacts health and psychosocial wellbeing.
  14. Availability of water – This refers to lack of water in both country of origin and countries of transit. Water availability can the result of lack of access due to route, means of transport, lack of autonomy and/or poor reception (as in the case of food availability). The impact is multi-fold, from physical health (e.g., waterborne and skin diseases) to increasing exposure to violence (e.g., children and women seeking to collect water/use latrines are vulnerable to attack and abuse) [19].
  15. Availability of sanitation facilities – This refers to lack of access to sanitation facilities and hygiene products. Poor sanitation and hygiene are known to be associated with increased morbidity and mortality. Women of reproductive age have an additional potential vulnerability as they must manage menstrual periods, and therefore have specific sanitation/hygienic needs. Cultural factors impacting menstruation (e.g., shame and embarrassment, taboos) can further compound the problem leading to marginalization or social exclusion. Every month, women and girls require access to menstrual materials to manage bleeding, private facilities to change menstrual materials, bathing facilities, clean water, toilet paper and/or soap and water to wash and dry themselves, and soak, wash, dry and/or dispose of used materials. Without access to the necessary supplies and services for managing menstruation, women are at a greater risk for diseases, including urinary tract infections and toxic shock syndrome. Moreover, seeking access to such facilities, has been associated with sexual harassment and gender based violence in refugee camps and settlements [20].
  16. Availability of shelter – This refers to access to a shelter both in countries of transit and at destination. A category particularly affected are unaccompanied minors, especially those from poorer families, who end up spending months or years either homeless or working as child labour. This traumatic and/or exploitative conditions in socially isolating environment negatively impact their physical and mental development. Living alone in detrimental, isolating circumstances has also long-term effects, such as denying them the opportunities to build skills and networks that would enable them to become self-sufficient as adults [21]. Even when some sort of shelter is available (e.g., refugees camps in countries of transit) these may be unsuitable (e.g. weak and constructed o materials that are very difficult to lock in a way that would prevent intrusion). This makes migrants feel insecure and exposes them to potential violence [22]. Living in unsanitary, poor conditions (e.g., overcrowding) with exploitative prices, particularly where there is a scarcity of rented housing and/or discriminatory attitudes towards a particular group of migrants, has a direct consequence on migrants’ health, education etc. An example in this respect is the case of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, where a 2022 study has shown that substantial numbers of Syrian refugee households live in overcrowded and substandard shelters, especially female-headed households and families living in non-residential shelters [23].
  17. Exposure to imprisonment – This refers to both direct and indirect experiences of imprisonment in countries of transit. Imprisonment can take place in a variety of places from holding facilities at points of entry to police stations, prisons and specialised detention centres, transit and “international zones” at airports, where persons are held for days under makeshift conditions [24]. The impact of imprisonment varies from physical and mental health consequences to other dimensions, such as negative attitudes towards authorities and/or health practitioners. For example, previously incarcerated individuals may go out of their way to avoid further interaction with the justice system, even when doing so could help them — for example, calling the police after one is robbed or accessing services such as much-needed medical care [25]. The Mediterranean route, and Libya in particular, is associated with very negative experiences of imprisonment. A 2021 Amnesty International report had shown that Libya had around 34 official detention centres and more than 13 illegal centres around Tripoli alone as well as an unknown number of centres run by local militias in different parts of the country. Conditions in those centres were characterized by severe overcrowding, inadequate/lack of access to toilets or washing facilities, food or clean water [26]. Furthermore, MSF recorded 190 cases of violence-induced wounds and 55 cases of sexual and gender-based violence among migrants kept in Libyan detention centres, this in addition to a large number of diseases and cases of malnutrition [27].
  18. Ability to identify oneself – This refers to the inability of providing recognized identity documents. There are many reasons why refugees may not have civil registration or identity documents, such as they may have been lost on the journey (e.g., in overcrowded boats on rough seas); stolen; destroyed by conflict or disaster; confiscated; carried by a relative who got separated; or identity documents do not meet the security requirements in countries of destination (hence increased suspicion they can be false) or do not have key data (e.g., DoB) as that is not recorded in the country of origin. Moreover, irregular migrants rarely have access to registration services during migration, meaning they can’t replace lost documents or record new births [28]. This vulnerability is closely linked to different dimensions. On one hand minors separated from their parents and lacking identification are more exposed to violence (e.g., sexual exploitation by human trafficking groups) or run the risk of becoming stateless; individuals fleeing war cannot claim refugee status or even prove their nationality, thus potentially running the risk of imprisonment and/o deportation; individuals also lose freedom of movement, being unable to travel through official checkpoints at international borders and having to resort to illegal channels, such as smuggling; migrants can also encounter difficulties in accessing goods and services that would enable them to become self-sufficient and integrate in countries of destination (e.g., SIM cards, bank accounts, enrolling children in the public education system etc.) [29].
  19. Knowledge of legal rights – This refers to migrants’ legal literacy or, in other ways, they knowledge of their rights (e.g., in terms of asylum access, health and education etc.). Often, migrants in protracted situations are subject to a complicated and difficult to navigate system of governance involving community leaders, international organisations, aid providers and the host state authorities [30]. Moreover, international organisations have reported that in some countries (e.g., Malta) there is often a lack of a systematic and structured way to provide comprehensive information to asylum seekers outside detention, which means lack of awareness about the procedure to NGOs assisting them [31]. They only receive basic information about the asylum procedure but not about their rights regarding reception. For example, they do not have access to information about access to healthcare or education, while asylum seekers in detention see their basic needs covered. Nevertheless, knowledge on its own is still insufficient, as migrants need to be able to convert that knowledge into action, which would require access to legal services. Lack of knowledge is often linked to other vulnerabilities such as mental and physical health. Limited access to accurate information about health services, prevention measures, and available resources may hinder them from seeking care or following public health guidelines [32].
  20. Knowledge of location – This refers to irregular migrants’ knowledge of where they are. As a result of pushbacks by border authorities, weather and environmental factors (e.g., sea currents) or malicious intent on the part of smugglers, to name just a few causes, individuals may end up in a different place (be that region or even country) than the one they had expected to find themselves. For example, migrants departing from North Africa may aim to go to Italy but end up in Malta (often without realising it) due to sea currents. Not knowing the location can have mental health consequences (e.g., panic, anxiety, feelings of hopelessness), but also other types of negative impact (e.g., separation of families, absence of the support system they were counting on in a certain country).
  21. Availability of material resources (communication devices, money) – This refers to access to sufficient material resources in order to ensure their livelihood (e.g., financial resources, communication devices etc.). Irregular migrants are more exposed than other categories to vulnerabilities related to availability of material resources due to the following reasons: (a) they are more exposed to shocks, such as being frequent victims of theft and aggression as well as experiencing disruptions and reductions in humanitarian assistance when living in camps; (b) their legal status does not grant them the same level of entitlement as host country nationals (e.g., access to employment and social benefits are unequal); (c) they have limited options for coping with shocks. Low-income individuals when faced with an unexpected situation can rely on networks to cope, can sell their assets or take up extra employment. These options are however not available to refugees due to lack of community support, low employment rates, lack of assets and ineffective social protection mechanisms [33]. The lack of material resources can compound other vulnerabilities. For example, they may be unable to access food, water or shelter; they made become vulnerable to situations of trafficking (e.g., labour trafficking and/or sexual exploitation). There may be physical and mental health consequences (e.g., inability to reach country of destination and reunite with family member; inability to pay for treatment which may lead to infant mortality, social isolation in the absence of communication devices).
  22. Ability to express oneself – This refers to the migrant’s ability to communicate while on their route and on arrival with border authorities. This has been identified as a vulnerability by both scholars and migrants themselves  [34]. Language knowledge can further compound other vulnerabilities, such as gender, in those cases where cultural factors lead women to feel uncomfortably interacting directly with translators and requiring male family members to speak for them.
  23. Exposure to extreme weather/environmental conditions – This refers to migrants who due to the route and means of transport they are taking are exposure to extreme weather and environmental conditions (e.g., crossing the dessert on foot, crossing the Mediterranean in a small dinghy during storms/on choppy waters, walking across forests in winter). Exposure to extreme weather and extreme environmental conditions can be linked to mental and physical health issues, it can lead to migrants’ losing their identification documents etc.
  24. Experience of pushbacks [35] – This refers to situations where irregular migrants are illegally expelled across national borders. This can take multiple forms from being driven to the border and made to cross it using different violent means (green border) to authorities intercepting small boats in territorial waters in order to disable or remove their engines, before using Coastguard ships to make waves to push the dinghies towards territorial waters of a neighbouring state or taking people from such boats aboard their ships, driving towards neighbouring territorial waters and then forcing the migrants onto unmanoeuvrable inflatable life rafts that quickly deflate, and abandoning them at sea. Pushbacks make migrants vulnerable in multiple ways: first and foremost, legally (as they suddenly find themselves in a different country/place from the one they were seeking or where they were planning to apply for asylum). They also expose people to violence with long term physical and mental health effects (e.g. Western Balkans push-backs often involve psychological and physical violence [36]). Pushbacks can also leave people without food, water and shelter (e.g., Mediterranean pushbacks where migrants are abandoned at sea on inflatable life rafts) [37]. Finally, pushbacks will influence migrants’ attitudes towards authorities, NGOs and/or health practitioners, creating a climate of distrust and making them less likely to seek help and/or comply with procedures.
  25. Attitudes towards that group in country of origin – This refers to situations in which irregular migrants belong to groups (e.g., LGBTQI+ community), which are being marginalized and/or persecuted and/or discriminated against in the country of origin. Given that experts agree that migrant networks facilitate migration by providing conduits for information and for social and financial assistance [38], by providing information on employment, accommodation, transport, healthcare and migration routes, we can assume that the lack of such ties would have a significant negative impact on the individuals concerned. Research has also shown the positive impact which informal social networks at the micro-level (e.g., relationships with family members and friends) have on migrants [39], which often have to deal with feelings of isolation and loneliness, and how these are preserved even across country borders. This is not the case of groups which lack such networks in their country of origin. For example, many LGBTQI+ individuals in force displacement encounter similar or higher risks of violence at all stages of their displacement journey [40], without benefitting from the assistance of formal or informal social networks (e.g., diaspora community in country of destination or family/friends/community members in country of origin.
  26. Asylum/protection system not functional in transit countries – This refers to the phenomenon of “refugees in orbit”, whereby refugees are unable to access the asylum system and are therefore obliged to move from one country to another. Migrants in transit are vulnerable to a wide range of human rights violations and abuses, including because they have become destitute or “stranded” in the transit country and because they lack legal protection and are unable or unwilling to seek the protection of the country of transit. For example, migrant women in transit have to deal with specific vulnerabilities (e.g., sexual abuse and/or labour exploitation). Furthermore, states may question their obligations towards migrants who are in transit, thus such individuals are often unable to legally work, rent accommodation or access basic services, such as education and health care [41]. In the long term this can compound other vulnerabilities such as attitudes towards authorities, health practitioners and NGOs (e.g., by making them less likely to try to legalize their status/ask for assistance) as well as negatively impact their physical and mental health. This in addition to increasing their exposure to violence and imprisonment. For example, Maltese immigration law means that individuals seeking asylum in this country undergo a period of mandatory detention upon arrival lasting a maximum of 18 months. During their stay in detention centres, these individuals are exposed to an environment characterised by loss of liberty, prolonged inactivity, disconnection to family and the outside world and lack of adequate information about ongoing legal proceedings. This stay has a negative impact on the mental health of individuals who, in the vast majority, have already experienced multiple personal losses [42].
  27. Policies aimed at separating families – This refers to any policy aimed at separating families, irrespective of the reason (e.g., health screening, security screening, document processing). Many major medical organizations have asserted that family separation is a traumatic childhood experience due to critical disruptions in attachment and the child’s environment. In addition to the fear and traumatization that mintors are experiencing, their parents are at risk of developing depression and experiencing extreme grief. Once these children are forcibly separated from their parents, there is also the risk of making children more vulnerable to violence, in addition to negatively impacting their mental and physical health. Even if these children and their families are reunited, they will need extensive therapy to help mitigate the adverse effects of separation [43].
  28. Policies requiring detention on arrivals – This refers to case where especially undocumented and irregular migrants, are vulnerable to being placed in detention for different infractions, such as irregularly crossing the State border, using false documents, leaving their residence without authorization, irregular stay, breaching or overstaying their conditions of stay [44]. This can have a significant negative impact, especially in the case of minors. Research has shown that detaining children has a profound and negative impact on child health and well-being and can have a long-lasting negative impact on children’s cognitive development [45]. Moreover, depending on country, there have been instances where migrants have been kept in custody without sufficient water, food, and bedding or any possibility of leaving their cells to go to the yard, to communicate with their relatives, lawyers, interpreters or consulates, or to challenge the legality of the deprivation of their liberty or deportation orders. This situation further exacerbates other types of vulnerabilities such as physical and mental health, exposure to imprisonment and violence, attitudes towards authorities and NGOs/international organisations.
  29. Lack of cultural mediation, lack of translation and lack of interpretation – This refers to the fact that many migrants encounter significant barriers to accessing various services (e.g., health services, asylum procedures, education opportunities), some of which are related to linguistic and cultural barriers as well as knowledge as to how the system works. The absence of cultural mediation, translation and interpretation services in countries of transit and destination, leads to lack of communication between migrants and authorities and/or different service providers. Migrants do not have access to the correct information to enable them to navigate the system and have access to the various services available.

It is important to note that while the number of sub-indicators is quite high, these are by no means comprehensive. The selection was focused on the indicators most likely to significantly influence migrants’ vulnerability as documented in existing literature and validated by experts in the field.

Consequently, there a number of sub-indicators such as the use of smugglers, which could be considered, albeit correlations and impact are not as clear. Depending on the route, smugglers can be a significant source of vulnerability (e.g., in the case of routes crossing from Sub-Saharan Africa via Libya to Europe). However, there is not enough evidence as to how exactly many irregular migrants employ smugglers [46] and whether it is the use of smugglers’ that has an impact or other dimensions connected to this (e.g., the payment arrangements made between irregular migrants and smugglers), which makes migrants’ vulnerable. For example, do paying one’s smuggler on arrival, departure or by working along the journey (pay as you go) have different impacts on vulnerability or is it migrants’ intended destinations, the way in which they access money on the route which plays a more important role [47]. Therefore, we would recommend viewing the Human Security Filter as a skeleton of a robust instrument to which one can add further sub-indicators should further evidence surface in the field.

Weighting and Aggregation

The weighting phase is an essential one in the development of a composite indicator, albeit there is little consensus on the best methodology to achieve this. In the case of CRiTERIA, the experts, during the consultation [48] recommended to give each sub-indicator an equal status.

The experts had recommended an equal weight approach as the best solution due to a number of factors. First, they were reluctant to make a value judgement concerning the relative importance of individual indicators or domains. Moreover, they argued that vulnerabilities add up over time, during a person’s migration journey – therefore, different indicators would have to be allocated different weights across time (e.g., repeated exposure to violence has significantly more serious mental and physical health consequences), albeit there isn’t enough evidence to measure with precision which should be these weights.

However, two important considerations should be mentioned at this stage:

  • If variables are grouped into dimensions and those are further aggregated into the composite, then applying equal weighting to the variables may imply an unequal weighting of the dimension (the dimensions grouping the larger number of variables, as is the case of the Situational Factors, would have higher weight);
  • When using equal weighting for series some of which are highly correlated with each other, there is a risk of double counting [49].

Given this we would argue that the best solution is to employ a weighted approach whereby the innate factors is reduced (30%) due to its high correlation to a high number of situational factors (thus reducing the risk of double counting); and the situational factors are also reduced (25%) because: (a) the number of variables is very high for situational factors (18) by comparison to the other two dimensions and some of the situational factors are also highly correlated (e.g., imprisonment with violence and torture).

The design of the HSF takes into consideration the existing level of knowledge and data access in the field of migration. However, in order to work the composite indicator must be monitored and adjusted over time in line with both seasonal developments and phenomenon changes. As the definition of indicators may change in relation to the route employed by migrants (e.g., what exposure to violence means) it is important to periodically review the composite indicators to consider vulnerability factors that may have emerged, developed or disappeared.

Resources

  1. Studies have shown that migrant children are at enormous risk of sexual violence, with boys travelling alone particularly vulnerable, and that children are being exploited at work during the journey and at their destination, including being recruited by smugglers for criminal and sex work. More information is available here: Save the Children (2022). “Wherever we go, someone does us Harm”: Violence against refugee and migrant children arriving in Europe through the Balkans. Save the Children. https://reliefweb.int/report/world/wherever-we-go-someone-does-us-harm-violence-against-refugee-and-migrant-children-arriving-europe-through-balkans
  2. A study has shown that unaccompanied minors are more likely to feel unsafe, ignored as well as suffer from loneliness. The instrument could therefore be used to acknowledge these needs on arrival and better design a comprehensive response, including health and social assistance. More information available here: UNICEF. (2022). Brief 3: Vulnerability, Discrimination and Xenophobia. UNICEF. https://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/Vulnerability-discrimination-and-xenophobia.pdf
  3. AIDA. (2017) The concept of vulnerability in European asylum procedures. European Council on Refugees and Exiles. https://asylumineurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/aida_vulnerability_in_asylum_procedures.pdf
  4. Kawar, M. (2004). Gender and Migration: Why are Women more Vulnerable? In: Femmes en mouvement: Genre, migrations et nouvelle division internationale du travail. Graduate Institute Publications. https://books.openedition.org/iheid/6256?lang=en
  5. This vulnerability has a direct impact on how migrants are treated but it may also be connected to their attitudes towards authorities, NGOs or health practitioners if they were victims of racist behaviour on their migratory journey.
  6. Stephen J. King (2021) Black Arabs and African migrants: between slavery and racism in North Africa. The Journal of North African Studies, 26:1, 8-50, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2019.1670645.
  7. UNODC. (2015). Combating violence against migrants: Criminal justice measures to prevent, investigate, prosecute and punish violence against migrants, migrant workers and their families and to protect victims. UNDOC. https://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/UNODC_Combating_Violence_against_Migrants.pdf
  8. Tyszler, E. (2021). Humanitarianism and black female bodies: violence and intimacy at the Moroccan–Spanish border. The Journal of North African Studies, 26:5, 954-972, DOI:  10.1080/13629387.2020.1800211
  9. Ibid.
  10. Culture includes in this context multiple dimensions, such as language, religion, values, customs.
  11. Pınar Şenoǧuz, H. (2017). Border Contestations, Syrian Refugees and Violence in the Southeastern Margins of Turkey. Journal for Critical Migration and Border Regime Studies. V3, Issue 2. https://movements-journal.org/issues/05.turkey/11.senoguz–border-contestations-syrian-refugees-violence-southeastern-margins-turkey.html
  12. Council of Europe. (2000). The Standing Committee see Rule 15 of the Rules of Procedure – Health conditions of migrants and refugees in Europe. Council of Europe. https://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref-ViewHTML.asp?FileID=8855&lang=EN
  13. Davies, A., Basten, A., Frattini, C. (2006). Migration: A Social Determinant of the Health of Migrants. International Organization for Migration. https://ec.europa.eu/migrant-integration/sites/default/files/2009-10/docl_9914_392596992.pdf
  14. Kaurin, D. (2019), Data Protection and Digital Agency for Refugees. World Refugee Council Research Paper No. 12 – May 2019. https://www.cigionline.org/sites/default/files/documents/WRC%20Research%20Paper%20no.12.pdf
  15. Where torture is defined as “any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to lawful sanctions”.
  16. OMCT (2021). The Torture Roads – The Cycle of Abuse against People on the Move in Africa. World Organisation Against Torture. https://reliefweb.int/report/world/torture-roads-cycle-abuse-against-people-move-africa
  17. It is also important to note that exposure to violence from authorities is directly linked to attitudes towards authorities. More information is available at Kalt, A., Hossain, M., Kiss, L., and Zimmerman, C. (2013). Asylum Seekers, Violence and Health: A Systematic Review of Research in High-Income Host Countries. American Journal of Public Health 103, e30_e42, DOI: 10.2105/AJPH.2012.301136
  18. Orjuela-Grimm, M., Deschak, C., Aragon Gama, C.A., Bhatt Carreño, S., Hoyos, L., Mundo, V., Bojorquez, I., Carpio, K., Quero, Y., Xicotencatl, A., Infante. C. (2022). Migrants on the Move and Food (In)security: A Call for Research. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health. Oct;24(5):1318-1327. DOI: 10.1007/s10903-021-01276-7. Epub 2021 Sep 20. PMID: 34542776; PMCID: PMC8450693.
  19. Jägerskog, S. et. al. (2016). Water, migration and how they are interlinked. Working paper 27. SIWI. https://siwi.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/2016-Water-Report-Chapter-1-FINAL-Web.pdf
  20. Calderón-Villarreal, A., Schweitzer, R. & Kayser, G. (2022). Social and geographic inequalities in water, sanitation and hygiene access in 21 refugee camps and settlements in Bangladesh, Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, and Zimbabwe. Int J Equity Health 21, 27. DOI: 10.1186/s12939-022-01626-3
  21. Mishra, D., Spiegel, PB., Digidiki, VL., Winch, PJ. (2020) Interpretation of vulnerability and cumulative disadvantage among unaccompanied adolescent migrants in Greece: A qualitative study. PLoS Med. 2020 Mar 27;17(3):e1003087. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1003087. PMID: 32218564; PMCID: PMC7100937.
  22. ACAPS. (2019). Vulnerabilities in the Rohingya refugee camps. ACAPS. https://www.acaps.org/fileadmin/Data_Product/Main_media/20191220_acaps_analysis_hub_in_coxs_vulnerabilities_in_the_rohingya_refugee_camps_0.pdf
  23. Salti, N. Chaaban, J. et. al. (2022). Assessing shelter and WASH conditions of Syrian refugees in Lebanon in relation to cash assistance and services. Cameleon. https://reliefweb.int/report/lebanon/assessing-shelter-and-wash-conditions-syrian-refugees-lebanon-relation-cash-assistance-and-services
  24. Grant, S. (2011). Immigration Detention: Some Issues of Inequality. The Equal Rights Review, Vol. Seven. https://www.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/r27135.pdf
  25. Patler, C., Gonzalez, G. (2021). Compounded Vulnerability: The Consequences of Immigration Detention for Institutional Attachment and System Avoidance in Mixed-Immigration-Status Families. Social Problems, Volume 68, Issue 4, November 2021, Pages 886–902, DOI:  10.1093/socpro/spaa069
  26. Amnesty International (2021). Libya: Horrific violations in detention highlight Europe’s shameful role in forced returns. Amnesty International. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2021/07/libya-horrific-violations-in-detention-highlight-europes-shameful-role-in-forced-returns/
  27. Kuehne, A., van Boetzelaer, E., Alfani, P., Fotso, A., Elhammali, H., et al. (2021) Health of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers in detention in Tripoli, Libya, 2018-2019: Retrospective analysis of routine medical programme data. PLOS ONE 16(6): e0252460. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0252460
  28. CVRS. Refugees are more vulnerable without civil registration and ID. How can we help? https://crvssystems.ca/blog/refugees-are-more-vulnerable-without-civil-registration-and-id-how-can-we-help
  29. Manby, B., Marskell, J., Clark, J. (2017). “Papers please?”: The importance of refugees and other forcibly-displaced persons being able to prove identity. World Bank Blogs. https://blogs.worldbank.org/dev4peace/papers-please-importance-refugees-and-other-forcibly-displaced-persons-being-able-prove-identity
  30. Lise Purkey, A.L. (2014). A Dignified Approach: Legal Empowerment and Justice for Human Rights Violations in Protracted Refugee Situations. Journal of Refugee Studies, Volume 27, Issue 2, June 2014, Pages 260–281, DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fet031
  31. Aditus. (2023). Provision of Information on the Procedure – Malta. AIDA – ECRE. https://asylumineurope.org/reports/country/malta/asylum-procedure/information-asylum-seekers-and-access-ngos-and-unhcr/provision-information-procedure/
  32. El Arab, RA., Somerville, J., Abuadas, FH., et. al. (2023). Health and well-being of refugees, asylum seekers, undocumented migrants, and internally displaced persons under COVID-19: a scoping review. Front Public Health. 2023 Apr 26;11:1145002. DOI: 10.3389/fpubh.2023.1145002. PMID: 37181725; PMCID: PMC10169615.
  33. See more in: Refugee Economies, available here: https://www.refugee-economies.org/our-work-21-24/shocks-vulnerability-and-livelihoods
  34. A good example is provided by the case of Guatemalans arriving to the US border, who speak only indigenous languages. Their limited Spanish skills adds to their vulnerability on route – while navigating risky areas of Mexico –, while their inability to speak English added to their isolation and difficulties when they were apprehended by the US border authorities. Salerno Valdez, E., Valdez, Luis, Sabo, Samantha. (2015). Structural vulnerability among migrating women and children fleeing Central America and Mexico: the public health impact of “humanitarian parole”. Front. Public Health, 24 June 2015. https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpubh.2015.00163/full
  35. The term ‘pushback‘ describes the unregulated cross-border expulsion of people on the move to another country. Conducted without due process and outside any legal framework, pushbacks violate national, EU and international law, most notably the prohibition of collective expulsions, the principle of non-refoulement and the right to apply for asylum. In addition, the measures employed to carry out pushbacks, such as arbitrary detention and extreme violence, violate many other laws and leave survivors with lasting physical and psychological trauma.
  36. Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, OXFAM, Macedonian Young Lawyers Association. (2017). A DANGEROUS ‘GAME’ The pushback of migrants, including refugees, at Europe’s borders. Oxfam. https://www-cdn.oxfam.org/s3fs-public/file_attachments/bp-dangerous-game-pushback-migrants-refugees-060417-en_0.pdf
  37. Aulsebrook, G., Gruber, N., Pawson, M. (2021) Pushbacks on the Balkan route: A hallmark of EU border externalisation. Forced Migration Review. 2021(68):13-15.
    https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/pushbacks-on-balkan-route-hallmark-eu-border/docview/2626958411/se-2.
  38. Sha, H. (2021). Migrant networks as social capital: the social infrastructure of migration. MIDEQ: Migration for development and inequality. https://southsouth.contentfiles.net/media/documents/MIDEQ_working_paper-_Migrant_networks_as_social_capital_Heila_Sha.pdf
  39. De Jesus, M., Warnock, B., Moumni, Z. et al. (2023). The impact of social capital and social environmental factors on mental health and flourishing: the experiences of asylum-seekers in France. Confl Health 17, 18 (2023). DOI: 10.1186/s13031-023-00517-w
  40. OHCHR. LGBTI and Gender-Diverse Persons in Forced Displacement. OHCHR. https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/ie-sexual-orientation-and-gender-identity/lgbti-and-gender-diverse-persons-forced-displacement
  41. OHCHR. (2016). Situation of migrants in transit. OHCHR. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/2021-12/INT_CMW_INF_7940_E.pdf
  42. Caruana, J., Rossi, A. (2019). Responding to mental health vulnerability in Maltese detention centres: the use of psychological support groups as an intervention tool. Int J Humanitarian Action 4, 4 (2019). DOI: 10.1186/s41018-019-0050-2.
  43. APHA (2020). APHA Opposes Separation and Confinement to Detention Centers of Immigrant and Refugee Children and Families at U.S. Borders. APHA. https://www.apha.org/policies-and-advocacy/public-health-policy-statements/policy-database/2021/01/13/apha-opposes-separation-and-confinement-to-detention-centers
  44. More information is available at OHCHR. Administrative Detention of migrants – Taskforce submission. https://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/migration/taskforce/docs/administrativedetentionrev5.pdf
  45. IOM, UNHCR, UNICEF. (2022). SAFETY AND DIGNITY FOR REFUGEE AND MIGRANT CHILDREN: Recommendations for alternatives to detention and appropriate care arrangements in Europe. IOM. https://eea.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl666/files/documents/advocacy-brief-alternatives-to-detention-appropriate-care-arrangements-fo-refugee-and-migrant-children-europe.pdf
  46. Although reports seem to indicate that on this route the number is very high.
  47. Fargues, F. and M. Rango (eds.) (2020). Migration in West and North Africa and across the Mediterranean. International Organization for Migration (IOM), Geneva. https://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/migration-in-west-and-north-africa-and-across-the-mediterranean.pdf
  48. As explained previously, the consultation of experts took the form of an exercise where experts in the field of migration were asked to review and refine the indicators and then prioritize them in order of importance.
  49. For example, categories such as young males (18+) would not rank high with an equal weighting of indicators (due to the high correlations between gender – women and age – minors and a high number of situational factors). However, research has shown that many young males experience prolonged journeys, living in socially isolated environments with a significant negative impact on their physical and mental health. Moreover, many such men are exposed to sexual violence, including sexualised torture in their countries of origin, in transit and after arriving in Europe. More information is available at Mishra, D., Spiegel, PB., Digidiki, VL., Winch, PJ. (2020) Interpretation of vulnerability and cumulative disadvantage among unaccompanied adolescent migrants in Greece: A qualitative study. PLoS Med. 2020 Mar 27;17(3):e1003087. doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1003087. PMID: 32218564; PMCID: PMC7100937. and UNICEF (2021). Supporting young male refugees and migrants who are survivors or at risk of sexual violence. A Field Guide for Frontline Workers in Europe. UNICEF. https://reliefweb.int/report/world/supporting-young-male-refugees-and-migrants-who-are-survivors-or-risk-sexual-violence
Filter for target audience

MIRROR has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation action program under grant agreement No 832921.

CRiTERIA has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation action program under grant agreement No 101021866.

© All rights reserved

Imprint | Privacy Policy